The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action.
BY HILLARY CLINTON | NOVEMBER 2011
As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces
from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point. Over the
last 10 years, we have allocated immense resources to those two
theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about
where we invest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best
position to sustain our leadership, secure our interests, and advance
our values. One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over
the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased
investment -- diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise -- in the
Asia-Pacific region.
The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching
from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the Americas, the
region spans two oceans -- the Pacific and the Indian -- that are
increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the
world's population. It includes many of the key engines of the global
economy, as well as the largest emitters of greenhouse gases. It is home
to several of our key allies and important emerging powers like China,
India, and Indonesia.
At a time when the region is building a more mature security and
economic architecture to promote stability and prosperity, U.S.
commitment there is essential. It will help build that architecture and
pay dividends for continued American leadership well into this century,
just as our post-World War II commitment to building a comprehensive and
lasting transatlantic network of institutions and relationships has
paid off many times over -- and continues to do so. The time has come
for the United States to make similar investments as a Pacific power, a
strategic course set by President Barack Obama from the outset of his
administration and one that is already yielding benefits.
With Iraq and Afghanistan still in transition and serious economic
challenges in our own country, there are those on the American political
scene who are calling for us not to reposition, but to come home. They
seek a downsizing of our foreign engagement in favor of our pressing
domestic priorities. These impulses are understandable, but they are
misguided. Those who say that we can no longer afford to engage with the
world have it exactly backward -- we cannot afford not to. From opening
new markets for American businesses to curbing nuclear proliferation to
keeping the sea lanes free for commerce and navigation, our work abroad
holds the key to our prosperity and security at home. For more than six
decades, the United States has resisted the gravitational pull of these
"come home" debates and the implicit zero-sum logic of these arguments.
We must do so again.
Beyond our borders, people are also wondering about America's intentions
-- our willingness to remain engaged and to lead. In Asia, they ask
whether we are really there to stay, whether we are likely to be
distracted again by events elsewhere, whether we can make -- and keep --
credible economic and strategic commitments, and whether we can back
those commitments with action. The answer is: We can, and we will.
Harnessing Asia's growth and dynamism is central to American economic
and strategic interests and a key priority for President Obama. Open
markets in Asia provide the United States with unprecedented
opportunities for investment, trade, and access to cutting-edge
technology. Our economic recovery at home will depend on exports and the
ability of American firms to tap into the vast and growing consumer
base of Asia. Strategically, maintaining peace and security across the
Asia-Pacific is increasingly crucial to global progress, whether through
defending freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, countering the
proliferation efforts of North Korea, or ensuring transparency in the
military activities of the region's key players.
Just as Asia is critical to America's future, an engaged America is
vital to Asia's future. The region is eager for our leadership and our
business -- perhaps more so than at any time in modern history. We are
the only power with a network of strong alliances in the region, no
territorial ambitions, and a long record of providing for the common
good. Along with our allies, we have underwritten regional security for
decades -- patrolling Asia's sea lanes and preserving stability -- and
that in turn has helped create the conditions for growth. We have helped
integrate billions of people across the region into the global economy
by spurring economic productivity, social empowerment, and greater
people-to-people links. We are a major trade and investment partner, a
source of innovation that benefits workers and businesses on both sides
of the Pacific, a host to 350,000 Asian students every year, a champion
of open markets, and an advocate for universal human rights.
President Obama has led a multifaceted and persistent effort to embrace
fully our irreplaceable role in the Pacific, spanning the entire U.S.
government. It has often been a quiet effort. A lot of our work has not
been on the front pages, both because of its nature -- long-term
investment is less exciting than immediate crises -- and because of
competing headlines in other parts of the world.
As secretary of state, I broke with tradition and embarked on my first
official overseas trip to Asia. In my seven trips since, I have had the
privilege to see firsthand the rapid transformations taking place in the
region, underscoring how much the future of the United States is
intimately intertwined with the future of the Asia-Pacific. A strategic
turn to the region fits logically into our overall global effort to
secure and sustain America's global leadership. The success of this turn
requires maintaining and advancing a bipartisan consensus on the
importance of the Asia-Pacific to our national interests; we seek to
build upon a strong tradition of engagement by presidents and
secretaries of state of both parties across many decades. It also
requires smart execution of a coherent regional strategy that accounts
for the global implications of our choices.
Nguồn: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century
